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- <text id=94TT0735>
- <title>
- Jun. 06, 1994: Haiti:To Have and To Have Not
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
- Jun. 06, 1994 The Man Who Beat Hitler
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- HAITI, Page 32
- To Have and To Have Not
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p> While the poor suffer under the embargo, Haiti is a land of
- opportunity for those without scruples
- </p>
- <p>By Kevin Fedarko--Reported by Cathy Booth/Port-au-Prince and Bernard Diederich/Santo
- Domingo
- </p>
- <p> For months, U.S. Ambassador William Swing had been hearing reports
- of how smugglers operating across Lake Saumatre from the Dominican
- Republic were flouting the United Nations fuel embargo against
- Haiti. Last Wednesday morning, Swing finally saw for himself.
- About an hour's drive from his elegant residence above Port-au-Prince,
- he stepped out of his armored car and trained his binoculars
- on a flotilla of wooden boats laden with large blue drums of
- petroleum. "It looks like a staging area for some of the contraband
- coming across," said the ambassador, an observation that has
- long been obvious to Haitians.
- </p>
- <p> As any of the country's 7 million residents could have explained,
- the mathematics of the embargo are devastatingly simple. Gas
- that sells for $2 per gal. on the Dominican side of the border
- commands $7 on the Haitian side. Those numbers have fueled flourishing
- cross-border smuggling ever since the trade ban was placed on
- Haiti last October in hopes of forcing the defiant military
- to allow President Jean-Bertrand Aristide to return. Last week
- President Clinton's new envoy to Haiti, William Gray III, won
- a promise from the Dominican Republic's aging President Joaquin
- Balaguer to seal the border. But with millions of gallons in
- reserve, Haiti's army Chief of Staff, Brigadier General Philippe
- Biamby, told friends confidently that the military could "hang
- on without much trouble."
- </p>
- <p> The U.N.'s new, stronger embargo, which bars trade in goods
- except medicine and basic foods, is having an effect opposite
- to what its framers intended. By shutting down the most impoverished
- economy in the western hemisphere, the U.S. and the U.N. have
- managed to provide a lucrative opportunity for the enrichment
- of those it was meant to hurt. And that has left the great mass
- of Haiti's poor bitter, hungry and disillusioned.
- </p>
- <p> The blockade has proved anything but airtight. An estimated
- 10,000 Haitians cross the Dominican border each day to buy fuel,
- which they lug back in plastic jugs or pulley across ravines.
- At the Malpasse border crossing east of the capital, wooden
- fishing boats openly ply barrels of illegal gasoline and diesel
- from an open-air depot on the Dominican side of the island.
- </p>
- <p> The 7,000 uniformed soldiers and thousands of plainclothes thugs
- who serve as the Haitian military's henchmen are only too pleased
- by the publicity surrounding this jerry-can stampede. The attention
- provides an effective smoke screen for those who are really
- keeping the military alive: the larger vessels that audaciously
- evade U.N. picket boats. The U.S., Canada and Argentina have
- stationed warships offshore, but are unable to maneuver in shallow
- waters. That leaves the jagged shoreline to "coast huggers,"
- wildcat fuel runners who use the cover of darkness to spirit
- drums of gas and diesel into Haiti's biggest harbors.
- </p>
- <p> Together with small tankers operating out of Venezuela and Panama,
- which do not observe the embargo, the armada of smugglers have
- managed to deliver so much contraband fuel that hucksters have
- set up a bustling business along "gasoline alley" in Port-au-Prince.
- Out-of-work vendors vie frantically for customers among the
- wealthy in Land Rovers. Businessmen can even get gas delivered
- to their door.
- </p>
- <p> The handful of wealthy families who directly or indirectly support
- the junta maintain their near monopolies on items exempted from
- the blockade, such as cooking oil, rice and sugar--and are
- profiting handsomely. The Brandts control the market in flour,
- which shot up from $43 to $50 a sack, and have a corner on the
- country's chicken industry. The Mevs family continues to add
- on to a fuel depot capable of holding 50 million gal. Their
- cement business is booming as black-market millionaires build
- new homes. The Madsens are doing big business in humanitarian
- food at their shipping terminal, and they own the country's
- main beer factory. To exploit lucrative foreign-exchange deals,
- two of the capital's leading families--the Acras, who come
- from Syria, and the Bigios, who are of Jewish descent--have
- joined forces to buy the local branch of the National Bank of
- Paris. "Six months from now, when all the small businessmen
- are dead," says an angry downtown entrepreneur, "they will be
- the ones controlling Haiti."
- </p>
- <p> Many of those small business owners put their lives on the line
- by denouncing the military-installed puppet government of President
- Emile Jonassaint. Now they watch as their companies spiral toward
- ruin. The day before the embargo took effect, Georges Barau
- Sassine stood above his factory floor as 430 employees sewed
- the last shipment of Disney children's wear for export to the
- U.S. "We're all closed," he declared as he popped tablets for
- an upset stomach. "They're destroying those of us who give jobs.
- It's so absurd."
- </p>
- <p> A few blocks from the Port-au-Prince harbor, a grocery wholesaler
- complained about an embargo that seemed to benefit only the
- oligarchs. "If there's no leak in the embargo, then I'll be
- happy," she says. Last week black marketeers slapped an $11
- charge on every case of supplies. Canned milk, a substitute
- for nonexistent fresh milk, has doubled in price. "The poor
- people can't afford it," she says. "Everything is for the rich
- first."
- </p>
- <p> Not all the elite are after money: some just want power. A candidate
- angling to fill the seat of the deposed Aristide is Emmanuel
- Constant, leader of the paramilitary Front for the Advancement
- and Progress of Haiti. He presides from a wicker chair in his
- backyard over a ragtag group that has been accused of committing
- many of the 133 political executions and 55 disappearances documented
- over the past four months. Constant protests his group's innocence.
- "If anybody from F.R.A.P.H. kills somebody," he says, casually
- tossing his cigarette butt into a barren flower bed, "it is
- personal, not political. If I had the power to arm all 400,000
- members, I would be in the palace having juice and giving interviews."
- </p>
- <p> Anger at economic as well as political oppression is growing
- in slums like the capital's Cite Soleil and in the countryside.
- Fuel is too expensive, so peasants can no longer afford to transport
- crops into the city. In some areas, people are reduced to eating
- boiled green mangoes and seeds. "The military got us into this
- mess, and they will have to pay for it," says Pierre, a father
- of five. Relief agencies already feed some 900,000 people, but
- they claim that red tape from the U.N. and the U.S. is holding
- up supplies. "They keep talking about humanitarian aid, but
- people are still starving and black marketeers are making a
- killing," says a relief worker in Port-au-Prince.
- </p>
- <p> In fact, the military is counting on headlines about rising
- malnutrition and disease to weaken the international community's
- resolve. Some of the most poignant scenes of misery take place
- at the capital's General Hospital, which has been reduced to
- a nightmarish warren of broken beds and piles of medical rubbish.
- For months it operated on six hours of electricity a day, and
- even now water pressure is so low that some clinics cannot be
- cleaned. "They say there's no embargo on medicine, but why do
- we have to buy what we need on the black market?" demands the
- hospital's new Harvard-trained administrator, Dr. Georges Dubuche.
- "It's a tragedy when health care becomes part of the political
- game."
- </p>
- <p> Short of an invasion by the U.S., the only alternative open
- to the average Haitian is the vision that greeted several wealthy
- young men lounging in front of a television one recent evening
- at a picturesque French restaurant in the hills above Port-au-Prince.
- Halfway through the Knicks and Bulls game, which the group was
- watching live by satellite, a Budweiser beer ad aired. Touting
- upcoming World Cup soccer matches, the commercial offered a
- message of unusual aptness for Haiti's suffering populace: "For
- millions of people, getting to America is the ultimate goal."
- The embargo sadly ensures that that dream stays alive.
- </p>
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
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